Parliamentary elections were held in Burundi in June 2025 amid severe restrictions on freedom of expression and political space, according to Human Rights Watch (HRW). The main political opponents were excluded from the elections. The ruling party, the Conseil national pour la défense de la démocratie–Forces pour la défense de la démocratie (CNDD-FDD), won all the seats in the National Assembly. Several sources report “the disappearance of institutional pluralism” or also “one-party rule”.
Observers have highlighted the persistence of numerous structural problems relating to human rights. Since the end of 2023, UN sources have noted an “alarming resurgence” of abuses against human rights defenders and political opponents. Violations such as arbitrary arrests, torture, enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings persist. The police, the Service national de renseignement (SNR) and the Imbonerakure are primarily responsible for these violations, which occur in an environment of widespread impunity. Sources also highlight collusion between the security services and the Imbonerakure, who, according to the UN Special Rapporteur, are free to commit violations with impunity.
The Initiative pour les droits humains au Burundi (IDHB) and the UN Special Rapporteur observed a decline in human rights violations committed by state agents in 2022 and 2023. However, the number of incidents recorded by the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED), particularly those involving violence against civilians, increased slightly in 2024 and 2025. The Ligue burundaise des droits de l’homme Iteka reported a much higher number of victims than ACLED.
In 2025, clashes — sometimes deadly — occurred between the Burundian army and Rwandophone armed groups in the north-west of the country, around the Kibira Forest. There have been no documented incursions or attacks by rebel groups on Burundian territory since early 2024. In eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Burundian troops have continued to support Congolese forces in fighting the rebel group Mouvement du 23 mars (M23). This group has formed a coalition with several others, including the Burundian rebel movement Résistance pour un État de droit au Burundi (RED) Tabara. Several sources reported heavy losses among the Burundian army.
Throughout the pre-election period and during the June 2025 elections, the Imbonerakure were responsible for multiple human rights abuses against individuals perceived to oppose the ruling party. Independent media outlets documented abuses against activists from the Congrès national pour la liberté (CNL) and other opposition parties. Burundian associations claim that the conflict in the DRC is being used as an excuse by the authorities to increase surveillance and oppression of individuals suspected of collaborating with armed groups.
Sources continued to report the discovery of multiple corpses in public spaces. Often, the bodies show signs of violence and are buried without an investigation taking place. According to SOS Médias Burundi, the provinces of Cibitoke and Gitega have been particularly affected.
Civil society and the media continue to operate under strict control and increased surveillance. In 2025, new cases of harassment, arrest and conviction of human rights defenders and journalists occurred.
The conflict in eastern DRC, the threat of an M23 offensive against the border town of Uvira and the influx of Congolese Banyamulenge refugees have raised fears of infiltration by combatants and led to an intensification of ethnic rhetoric. According to the Réseau Europe-Afrique centrale (EurAc), this context has increased the risk of intimidation and repression for Burundian Tutsis in certain areas of the country.
By the end of July 2025, neighbouring countries were hosting approximately 322,000 Burundian refugees and applicants for international protection. While more than 250,000 refugees have returned to Burundi with the assistance of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) since 2017, this movement has slowed since 2022. Vulnerable host communities, limited access to livelihoods and basic services, and in some cases security and surveillance issues are affecting reintegration.
Several sources indicate that the country is experiencing severe socioeconomic conditions. Various shortages, particularly of fuel, as well as power cuts, are paralysing economic activity. Meanwhile, food prices are rising and inflation is reaching record levels. This economic decline is significantly impacting the humanitarian situation, with the health and education systems in freefall due to dilapidated infrastructure, a lack of resources, and a shortage of qualified personnel. The UN Special Rapporteur has noted persistent food insecurity, which is being exacerbated by several structural factors. Drinking water shortages in the west of the country have caused cholera epidemics in some localities in this region.
Policy
The policy implemented by the Commissioner General is based on a thorough analysis of accurate and up-to-date information on the general situation in the country of origin. This information is collated in a professional manner from various, objective sources, including the EUAA, the UNHCR, relevant international human rights organisations, non-governmental organisations, professional literature and coverage in the media. When determining policy, the Commissioner General does not only examine the COI Focuses written by Cedoca and published on this website, as these deal with just one aspect of the general situation in the country of origin. The fact that a COI Focus could be out-of-date does not mean that the policy that is being implemented by the Commissioner General is no longer up-to-date.
When assessing an application for asylum, the Commissioner General not only considers the actual situation in the country of origin at the moment of decision-making, he also takes into account the individual situation and personal circumstances of the applicant for international protection. Every asylum application is examined individually. An applicant must comprehensively demonstrate that he has a well-founded fear of persecution or that there is a clear personal risk of serious harm. He cannot, therefore, simply refer back to the general conditions in his country, but must also present concrete, credible and personal facts.
There is no policy paper for this country available on the website.