According to observers, there has been no substantial improvement in the human rights situation since President Ndayishimiye came to power in 2020. Human rights violations have continued, including arbitrary arrests, disappearances, extrajudicial executions and torture. They are mainly committed by the police, the National Intelligence Agency and the Imbonerakure. While there have been arrests of state agents and Imbonerakure accused of common crimes, they generally act with impunity when it comes to political crimes. Various sources highlight the collusion between the security services and the Imbonerakure, who, according to the UN Special Rapporteur, have complete freedom to commit abuses. At the same time, the Initiative for Human Rights in Burundi (IDHB) notes that they have shown more restraint in many provinces.
The victims of the violence are mainly activists of the opposition party National Congress for Freedom (CNL) as well as people suspected of collaborating with armed groups. Activists of other opposition parties and people with no political affiliation who refuse to join the ruling party or who have criticised the country's management have also been targeted. The UN Commission of Inquiry found in 2017 that while the ethnicity of the victims could be an aggravating factor for the perpetrators of violations, these victims were not targeted primarily because of their ethnicity.
The BHDI and the UN Special Rapporteur note that violations perpetrated by state agents have decreased since 2022, describing this as an ‘apparent lull’. The number of violent incidents and casualties recorded by the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) in 2023 and 2024 was much lower than in previous years, although in 2024, ACLED noted an increase in civilian casualties compared to 2023. However, Ligue Iteka reports a much higher number of victims than ACLED. Both sources warn of an upsurge in violations in the run-up to the June 2025 elections.
In 2024, there was a small number of clashes between Burundian forces and Rwandophone armed groups in the north-west of the country. In western Burundi, two attacks by the rebel movement Resistance for the Rule of Law in Burundi (RED) Tabara resulted in several deaths in late 2023 and early 2024. In the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the Burundian army, reinforced by Imbonerakure, maintained its operations against Burundian rebel groups and continued to support Congolese forces against the rebel group Mouvement 23 (M23), which is supported by the Rwandan army. Several sources reported heavy losses in the ranks of the Burundian army.
Civil society continues to document the discovery of hundreds of corpses in public spaces. The bodies often show signs of violence and are buried without investigation. Cibitoke is the province most affected by this type of violence.
The space for civil society and the media remains restricted. There were new cases of harassment, arrests and convictions of human rights defenders and journalists in 2023 and 2024. Many activists and journalists remain in exile.
At the end of 2024, neighbouring countries were hosting some 318,000 Burundian refugees and applicants for international protection (AIP). While 254,000 refugees have returned to Burundi since 2017 with the assistance of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), returns have decreased in intensity since 2022. Reintegration is affected by returning to often vulnerable communities, difficult access to livelihoods and basic services and, in some cases, problems of security and surveillance. Some returnees have gone back into exile, despite the poor living conditions and insecurity in the camps.
According to several sources, the economic situation continues to deteriorate: various shortages, especially of fuel, are paralysing economic activity, while food prices are rising. Inflation is at a record high and economic growth is virtually non-existent. According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), the impact of the economic decline on the humanitarian situation in the areas of health, education and food security has been catastrophic.
Policy
The policy implemented by the Commissioner General is based on a thorough analysis of accurate and up-to-date information on the general situation in the country of origin. This information is collated in a professional manner from various, objective sources, including the EUAA, the UNHCR, relevant international human rights organisations, non-governmental organisations, professional literature and coverage in the media. When determining policy, the Commissioner General does not only examine the COI Focuses written by Cedoca and published on this website, as these deal with just one aspect of the general situation in the country of origin. The fact that a COI Focus could be out-of-date does not mean that the policy that is being implemented by the Commissioner General is no longer up-to-date.
When assessing an application for asylum, the Commissioner General not only considers the actual situation in the country of origin at the moment of decision-making, he also takes into account the individual situation and personal circumstances of the applicant for international protection. Every asylum application is examined individually. An applicant must comprehensively demonstrate that he has a well-founded fear of persecution or that there is a clear personal risk of serious harm. He cannot, therefore, simply refer back to the general conditions in his country, but must also present concrete, credible and personal facts.
There is no policy paper for this country available on the website.